The Kurds’ Hate-Filled “Federalization” Manifesto. Part II


The first part of the series drew necessary attention to the finer details of the Kurds’ manifesto, exposing some of their intended plots that they would have otherwise preferred to leave hidden and vaguely inferred. This second section serves as a necessary bridge in connecting that previous section with the forthcoming one, in that it collects all of the hateful statements that the PYD wrote about the two Assad Presidencies of Syria and proves just how vehemently anti-government this organization really is. The purpose, as was stated previously, is to dispel all media preconceptions that the PYD are ‘democratic freedom fighters’ struggling against Daesh and to prove that they are really self-interested regime change radicals that harbor a burning hate for the democratically elected and legitimate leadership of their country.

As painful as the following may be for Syrian patriots and their sincere supporters to read, it is necessary that the PYD’s plethora of anti-government statements from their “Project of a Democratic Syria” manifesto be compiled into its own separate declaration that can be easily shared with others in exposing what this treasonous organization truly believes in. The following text is presented in the order that the given statements were made as they’re originally written from the beginning to the end of the said document:


The crisis is larger, deeper, and more dangerous than a mere adjustment of the Assad regime, its masters, and its codes. It has resulted from the evolution of society itself into the state, in a concentration of state power so intense as to constitute a diseased condition. The state does not accord with the natural, pluralist, and participatory reality of human society; it is limited to short-sighted visions that deepen and even deify unilateralism. Denial, exclusion, domination, slavery, and injustice were and are created by states, by dictatorships, and by fascist or semi-fascist systems; the most recent of these security systems suffocate life, allowing no potential for opening up and development.”

And [positive intercommunal relations] continued after the 1946 independence, when Kurds played a crucial role in the liberation and early development of the modern Syrian state, until the Baath Party took the helm and imposed its unilateral, national-chauvinistic thought. That racist regime of denial, exclusion, and repression adopted chauvinistic policies and projects that in turn, for half a century, gave rise to problems, events, and uprisings. The culture of denial of the other is imported and exotic, far from the original concepts of the Syrian people; the denial and exclusion of the Kurds, the Syriacs, and other groups has nothing to do with the authentic Syrian spirit. But the regime’s exclusionary policies never penetrated into the depths of society; instead they remained confined to the mentality of the politicians and other authoritarians.”

A few years later the chauvinist Baath Party seized power, and freedoms receded until they finally were strangled. On all fronts, racial projects, arbitrary exceptional measures, persecution, and coercion accelerated against Kurds and other constituent groups. The unjust census and the creation of the Arab belt were prominent markers of injustice and denial of the Other, but injustice affected everyone when the regime declared a state of emergency—which lasted half a century. It paralyzed political life and democracy and untied the hands of the chauvinist Baath, which unleashed security forces with no moral deterrent, until Syria came to resemble a huge prison, confining peoples, freedoms, and human values.”

A popular revolutionary movement arose as a response to the situation of suffocation that prevailed under the regime, in which solutions seemed almost impossible.”

The regime took strategic advantage of the opposition’s political and military weakness to impose a choice: either one supports the regime, or one is necessarily supporting “radical Islamic forces.” And to a large extent it has succeeded. The only exception has been in Rojava, which declared from the outset that it stood by its revolution on its own path.”

Under the nation-state, authoritarian developments froze the social movement and its evolution. But it also marginalized both the community and the individual, reducing their activities so significantly that they faced disappearance and “death” as if they had a social cancer. As for woman, the oldest slave, modern life turned into a trap that surrounded her. In the era of the regime, woman was cast as a free laborer in the position of “housewife,” at the top of the work detail. She was a machine that produced new generations for the existing regime. And as the crown of the advertising industry, moreover, she was “the queen of commodities.” She was a tool of pleasure and unlimited power for all authoritarians, ranging from the world emperor to the small emperor inside the family. Social life in current Syrian society consists of old men who have become children, and females who have lost their will. And the family, one of the oldest and most prestigious institutions of society, has suffered complete dissolution.”

Building a democratic Syria requires ridding it of the concept of central state authority, which has led it to the brink of destruction, and democratizing the social structure.”

In every aspect of Syrian society, from the smallest social unit, the family, and to society as a whole, privacy has been sabotaged.”

Thus, we have to preserve and protect their communities, which long suffered from oppression, injustice, genocide, and exploitation.”

The transformation of Syria’s political structure could occur through either reform or revolution. In both cases, we will be at the forefront of an essential structure that unites the various constituent peoples that make up Syria as a whole.”

Many nation-states, including Syria, carried out looting and exploitation under nationalist slogans. All economic, political, and social institutions have been developed to justify the looting and to give legality to the tyrant’s continuing to protect their own interests. Economic occupation is the most serious type of occupation and the one that most undermines and fragments it. Thus, economic captivity becomes the deadliest way to deny identity and eliminate liberty.”

Over history, the nation-state has shaped legal proceedings, due to its involvement in every arcane detail in society. It has sought to eliminate the moral and political community, even though ancient societies resolved a large proportion of their issues through such communities. Rights originated in social customs, values, and morality, but over time the state, as it arose, sought to increase its influence and control the values of society. To that end, it enacted laws and constitutions that suited its interests at each stage. The law became a way to protect the state figures and institutions, to allow them to continue looting, and to give legitimacy to its practices. Courts, laws, decrees, and special legislation affected all aspects of life, becoming tools to suppress, kill, loot, and deny entire peoples. The state embarked on racist projects and carried massacres under the constitution and laws.”

All international laws and treaties legitimate the right to self-defense, but the task of defending the community has often turned into a tool for suppression, one that authoritarian regimes have used to support and consolidate their policies and interests both externally and internally.”

The long years under fanatical nationalist chauvinism distorted Syrian culture so that it denied and deliberately excluded, and we should not forget that the different ethnic and religious groups that make up Syrian culture have cultures, customs and tradition, and languages that are authentic to this region.”

We are rapidly descending into the abyss, as the nation-state model has caused tragedies and crises that tear the community structure.”

As a centralized authoritarian state, Syria excelled in the production of a chauvinistic system that denied the dignity and worth of its peoples and became a prison in which the jailers worked systematically and structurally to eliminate basic freedoms and preconditions for a decent life.”

We must eliminate the central state, with its procedures and institutions of denial and unilateralism, to clear the way for a democratic and pluralistic society, in which all members play a real role in a future Syria.”

The Syrian forces must commit to several basic principles for a realistic political solution:

  1. The transition from an authoritarian, nationalist, and chauvinistic structure to a decentralized democratic system in which everyone shares in self-management.”


With the PYD’s vicious hatred for Syria and its government finally revealed through their very own words, it’s now time to transition to the last part of the research and describe the specific model of “federalization” (internal partition) that the Kurds are trying to force onto Syria.

To be continued